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Op-ed: What China is probably thinking about U.S. strikes against Iran

John Thomas March 3, 2026 3 minutes read
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  • Recent U.S. military moves against Iran and Venezuela disrupt the oil flows from two important petroleum providers for China.
  • In the short-term, Beijing faces real exposure as the world’s largest importer of crude oil, much of it through the Strait of Hormuz.
  • But China has been preparing for this moment since the early 2010s, reshaping its energy security strategy around a simple assumption: geopolitical shocks, sanctions regimes, and maritime chokepoints would become recurring features of the international system, not periodic bugs. 

The U.S. and Israeli strikes on Iran are being debated largely through the familiar lenses of military escalation risk, nuclear deterrence theory, and Middle Eastern geopolitical instability. But the most important strategic consequences may unfold far from the region itself. The country now facing the most consequential near-term economic and strategic test is China, whose dependence on global energy flows makes it immediately vulnerable to disruption even as its long-term planning appears increasingly validated by precisely this kind of geopolitical shock. 

In the near term, Beijing faces real exposure. China is the world’s largest importer of crude oil, and a substantial portion of those imports moves through the Strait of Hormuz, one of the most sensitive chokepoints in the global economy. The danger is not limited to a full closure of the waterway. The mere possibility that Hormuz could become contested access territory is enough to drive insurance costs higher, alter tanker routing, and push markets to price scarcity long before physical supply is interrupted. For an economy still managing uneven recovery and fragile domestic demand, higher oil prices quickly translate into rising industrial costs and renewed pressures across the economy. 

China’s situation is further complicated by its reliance on discounted Iranian crude acquired under sanctions conditions. Those purchases (along with those from Venezuela) provided Beijing with economic advantages, but they also tethered part of China’s energy security to politically fragile suppliers. Any sustained disruption to Iranian exports forces Chinese refiners into sharper competition for replacement barrels in already constrained markets. In the short term, instability in the Gulf represents genuine economic pain for China rather than strategic opportunity. 

The U.S. has taken action in very short order against two of China’s key petro-state partners. Whether it is inadvertent or part of a grand strategic design, China will see it as evidence that despite the quieter rhetorical climate in U.S.-China relations, the U.S. long-term strategy design to limit China’s global competitiveness and capacity has not changed. This could be an agenda item at the end of this month if the Trump visit isn’t postponed. 

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John Thomas

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